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President Trump has spoken to Russian leader Vladimir Putin on the phone to try to negotiate an end to the Ukraine war
Trump said he has a concrete plan to end the war.
“I hope it’s fast. Every day people are dying. This war is so bad in Ukraine. I want to end this damn thing.”
Addressing National Security Advisor Mike Waltz, who joined him in his study aboard Air Force One Friday night, the president said: “Let’s get these meetings going. They want to meet. Every day people are dying. Young handsome soldiers are being killed. Young men, like my sons. On both sides. All over the battlefield.”
Vice President Vance will meet Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky at the Munich Security Conference next week.
Trump has said he wants to strike a $500 million deal with Zelensky to access rare-earth minerals and gas in Ukraine in exchange for security guarantees in any potential peace settlement.
On Iran, Trump told The Post: “I would like a deal done with Iran on non-nuclear. I would prefer that to bombing the hell out of it. . . . They don’t want to die. Nobody wants to die.”
“If we made the deal, Israel wouldn’t bomb them.”
But he would not reveal details of any potential negotiations with Iran: “In a way, I don’t like telling you what I’m going to tell them. You know, it’s not nice.”
“I could tell what I have to tell them, and I hope they decide that they’re not going to do what they’re currently thinking of doing. And I think they’ll really be happy.”
“I’d tell them I’d make a deal.”
As for what he would offer Iran in return, he said, “I can’t say that because it’s too nasty. I won’t bomb them.”
„No words“ is an overused comment on social media I think, often lazily taking the place of analyzing an article or statement one objects to. Here, though, I really do find myself at something of a loss for words. Describing Trump as a dangerous buffoon, saying he sounds like a mobster threatening violence if the terms of the deal he offers are not accepted, has all been done. In 2025 these phrases sound trite. What does one say, though? What must it have been like to be Putin on the phone with Trump? I also see this Post interview on social media feeds which view Trump as a well-intentioned peacemaker.
From time to time I remember Noam Chomsky’s address at the 2022 National Solar Conference at the University of New Mexico, in which he detailed his major concerns for human civilization:
The primary concerns have been the growing threat of nuclear war and the failure to prevent lethal global heating.
In the last few years, a new concern has been added. The deterioration of the arena of rational discourse, which is all too apparent. Unless we can use our capacities for thought in an arena of rational discourse, there’s no hope of closing the dread gap in time to save ourselves.
Glasnost and roads not taken
It was for this reason that Gorbachëv initiated a series of public debates. The policy was encapsulated in the slogan of glasnost. This is a difficult word to translate, broadly connoting ‚openness‘, ‚a voicing‘ and ‚a making public‘. Gorbachëv‘s choice of vocabulary was not accidental. Glasnost, for all its vagueness, does not mean freedom of information. He had no intention of relinquishing the Politburo’s capacity to decide the limits of public discussion. Moreover, his assumption was that if Soviet society were to examine its problems within a framework of guidance, a renaissance of Leninist ideals would occur. Gorbachëv was not a political liberal. At the time, however, it was not so much his reservation of communist party power as his liberating initiative that was impressive. Gorbachëv was freeing debate in the USSR to an extent that no Soviet leader had attempted, not even Khrushchëv and certainly not Lenin.
—Robert Service, The Penguin History of Modern Russia, (Great Britain: Penguin Books, 2020), 448.
08.02.2003 Fischer is not convinced
Es sind Augenblicke, in denen deutlich wird: Hier stehen sich zwei Konzepte, zwei politische Ansätze gegenüber.
Foreign influence and the erosion of sovereignty are all good, as long as it’s us doing it.
Under the ruling Georgian Dream party, Georgia might have excelled at adopting the technocratic reforms prescribed by its Western partners, but the latter nevertheless tried to squeeze Georgian Dream out of power. First partially, via a power-sharing scheme devised by the EU; then, after Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine, increasingly urgently; and finally, before elections in October 2024, openly so. Throughout, Western governments kept funding a powerful and vocal group of partisan NGOs that variously called for sanctioning, ousting, or toppling the government. So in spring 2023, the Georgian government first introduced a law that would oblige foreign-funded NGOs to disclose their finances. After a year of intermittent, large-scale protests, it was adopted.
Once the Georgian government started to push back against the foreign hold on the country’s NGOs, media, policymaking, and politics, it faced shrill accusations of secret pacts with Russia and being under Vladimir Putin’s influence — never mind the lack of evidence.
This double standard is barely ever acknowledged and never questioned, since according to a tacit consensus, the West is in the influence game only because we want what’s best for Georgia and would never seek any advantage from “protecting Georgian democracy” and promoting “reforms” (shorthand for a wide range of legal and political changes favored by foreign partners instead of the electorate). Foreign influence and the erosion of sovereignty are all good, as long as it’s us doing it.
Putsch
Lukas Hermsmeier, Die Wochenzeitung:
Wie nennt man es, wenn eine Regierung gezielt Gesetze bricht und die Gewaltenteilung untergräbt? Wenn sie Bürgerrechte, Wissenschaftsfreiheit und Medien bekämpft, sodass demokratische Mechanismen immer weniger greifen? Wenn rechtsradikale Privatunternehmer plötzlich das Land lenken, ohne jegliche parlamentarische Legitimation?
Putsch, Verfassungskrise, das sind die treffenden Begriffe. Und so sollte man das, was derzeit in den USA passiert, auch verstehen. Die grösste Industrienation der Welt, in der Macht und Ressourcen sowieso schon abenteuerlich ungerecht verteilt sind, wandelt sich derzeit in einen unverhohlen autoritären Staat.
David Harris * February 28, 1946 – † February 6, 2023
Between Gulf Wars I and II I clearly remember hearing Harris read from his book Our War on calling Vietnam “a mistake”:
While it may be an accurate conclusion, calling the war a mistake is the functional equivalent of calling water wet or dirt dirty. … In this particular “mistake,” at least 3 million people died, only 58,000 of whom were Americans. These 3 million people died crushed in the mud, riddled with shrapnel, hurled out of helicopters, impaled on sharpened bamboo, obliterated in carpets of explosives dropped from bombers flying so high they could only be heard and never seen (talk about cowards!) they died reduced to chunks by one or more land mines, finished off by a round through the temple or a bayonet in the throat, consumed by sizzling phosphorous, burned alive with jellied gasoline, strung up by their thumbs, starved in cages, executed after watching their babies die, trapped on the barbed wire calling for their mothers. They died while trying to kill, they died while trying to kill no one, they died heroes, they died villains, they died at random, they died most often when someone who had no idea who they were killed them under the orders of someone who had even less idea than that. … All 3 million died in pain, often so intense that death was a relief. This war was about us. We made it happen. It was ours. And, even at this late date, any genuine reckoning on our part must include assuming the full responsibility of that ownership. Nothing less will do.
Wenn US-Soldaten in Gaza das Völkerrecht brechen und ethnische Säuberungen vornehmen, wäre Deutschland, von dessen Boden dieser Krieg mitgeführt würde, Mittäter
„Die USA werden den Gazastreifen übernehmen“ und dorthin Truppen entsenden, so Trump. Man werde das Gaza „planieren“, die Palästinenser sollten den Gazastreifen „für immer verlasen und anderswo in schöne Häuser umsiedeln, wo sie glücklich sein können und nicht erschossen werden“. Was für ein Zynismus. Was Trump da vorschlägt, ist ein völkerrechtswidriger Angriffskrieg, die völkerrechtswidrige Annexion eines souveränen Staates und ethnische Säuberungen. Sein Traum einer „Riviera des Nahen Ostens“ klingt derweil wie ein Immobilienentwicklungsprojekt. Wahrscheinlich sollen israelische und amerikanische Touristen künftig im Trump Hotel Gaza dem Glücksspiel frönen und bewacht von US-Militärs den Sonnenuntergang über der Levante genießen. Ginge es hier nicht um Trump, die USA und Israel, sondern um Putin und Russland wäre der medial-politische Komplex sicher schon völlig aus dem Häuschen und würde zur nächsten Zeitenwende blasen. Da es aber um unsere „guten Freunde“ aus den USA geht, begibt man sich lieber in eine Duldungsstarre und übt lauwarme Kritik, ohne dieser Kritik etwas folgen zu lassen.
Das ist sogar „verständlich“, da die einzig logische Folge, die man aus Trumps imperialen Getöse ziehen müsste, Transatlantikern gar nicht schmeckt. Spielen wir Trumps Pläne doch mal durch. Ohne die US-Stützpunkte in Deutschland wäre ein „robustes militärisches Engagement“, wie man einen derartigen Angriffskrieg wohl euphemistisch bezeichnen würde, in Nahost überhaupt nicht denkbar. Wenn US-Soldaten in Gaza das Völkerrecht brechen und ethnische Säuberungen vornehmen, wäre Deutschland, von dessen Boden dieser Krieg mitgeführt würde, Mittäter, solange es den USA die Nutzung von US-Stützpunkten für diesen Krieg nicht untersagt. Doch wer glaubt ernsthaft, dass ein Donald Trump sich darum scheren würde, ob ein „Mister Schulz“ oder ein „Mister Mörz“ ihm irgendwas erlaubt oder verbietet.
Wenn man mitbekommt, dass ein Dritter eine schwere Straftat begehen will, und diese Straftat geschehen lässt ohne zu versuchen, sie zu verhindern oder zumindest zu erschweren, macht man sich selbst schuldig. Deutschland muss also tätig werden. Es reicht nicht aus, in Sonntagsreden über Trump und seine außenpolitischen Wahnvorstellungen zu zetern. Wer A sagt, muss auch B sagen und seinen Worten Taten folgen lassen. Ami go home – nie war diese Forderung schlüssiger als heute.
Gazans – it’s guaranteed that they’re going to end up dying
„Because Gazans – it’s guaranteed that they’re going to end up dying. The same thing’s going to happen again. It’s happened over and over again, and it’s going to happen again as sure as you’re standing there Peter. So, uh, I hope that we could do something where they wouldn’t wanna go back. Who would want to go back? They’ve experienced nothing but death and destruction.“